The
Girl in the Polka Dot Dress
"She practically stepped on me, and she said,
"We?ve shot him. We?ve shot him." Then I said, "Who
did you shoot?" And she said, "We shot Senator
Kennedy." And I says, "Oh, sure." She came running
down the stairs, very fast, and then the boy in the
gold sweater came running down after her, and I
walked down the stairs."
L.A.P.D Interview
of Sandy Serrano, 2:35 a.m., June 5, 1968, p.
27.
The girl was described in the APB (All Points
Bulletin) as follows: "Prior to the shooting,
suspect observed with a female cauc., 23/27, 5-6,
wearing a white viole dress, ? inch sleeves, with
small black polka dots, dark shoes, bouffant type
hair. This female not identified or in custody."
L.A.P.D. Sergeant
Paul Shraga. APB from SUS files. This one was
dated 6/5/68, and was not cancelled until
6/21/68
So Who was the
Girl in the Polka Dot Dress?
EXCERPT:
Sirhan and the RFK Assassination Part II: Rubrick's
Cube
By Lisa Pease, (May-June 98
issue) Probe
The Girl Revealed?
A former New York Police
Department detective named Sid Shepard, then working
at CBS-TV in New York as Chris Borgen, happened upon
Sander Vanocur?s 5:00 A.M. (Eastern time) interview
of Sandy Serrano. He recalled a couple of people who
seemed to fit the description of the polka dot dress
girl. In fact, he had observed them at a protest
demonstration in New York at the United Nations
building which had been captured on 16mm film. He
felt so strongly about the match that he put the
film, along with a couple of blowups made from the
film, onto a TWA flight for Martin Steadman of the
WCBS-TV affiliate in Los Angeles. Steadman brought
the film and two photos made to Rampart detectives
L. J. Patterson and C. J. Hughes. These items were
booked into evidence as items #69 and 70 in the
evidence log for the case as follows:
#69 1 Film ? 16mm roll on gry
plast reel
#70 1 Photo ? 8" x 10" of female
(1) protest demo (taken from abv film)
Photo ? 3" x 4" of female "Shirin
Khan" with writing on back "Shirin Khan DOB 4/22/50
daughter of Khaibar Khan Goodarzian, presented
flowers & court order to Shah of Iran in NY 6/1964."
That Shepard/Borgen would identify
Shirin Khan as a likely candidate for the girl was
positively uncanny. He could hardly have known at
that point that her father had reportedly been seen
with Sirhan at Kennedy headquarters just two days
before the assassination, and that some campaign
workers had identified Khan as a suspicious person
in the Kennedy camp.
Khaibar Khan at Kennedy
Headquarters
Bernard Isackson, a Kennedy
campaign volunteer, had been at the Ambassador in
the Embassy room at the time of the shooting. His
interview summary contains this interesting tidbit:
Mr. Isackson was asked if
anything or anyone acted strange or out of place
around the headquarters. He stated the only
thing that stood out as being unusal [sic] was
the actions and statements of Khaibar Khan
(I216). He stated Khan would never fill out
cards or write on anything from which the
handwriting could be positively ID as Khan. He
also stated to Mr. Isackson he was from
Istanbul, Turkey and currently living in
England. Mr. Isackson stated Khan was very
overbearing when it came to the point of trying
to impress someone.
Mr. Isackson recalled one
incident when Khan asked one of the office girls
if she had seen a [sic] unidentified volunteer,
when the office girl started to page the
volunteer Khan became very nervous and told the
girl to never mind. Khan would often meet
volunteers entering the headquarters and escort
them to the information desk to register them as
if they were personal friends of his; this was
evidence[d] by many of them using his address
and phone number.
Khan was from Iran, not Turkey,
and had been living in New York before he came to
Los Angeles. He filled out over 20 volunteer cards
(present in the SUS files) with names of "friends",
always using his own address as their contact
information. For this, and a more sinister reason,
Isackson was not the only one suspicious of Khan.
Several campaign workers said they had seen him with
Sirhan.
Eleanor Severson was a campaign
worker for RFK. She told the LAPD that on May 30,
1968, a man named Khaibar Khan came into
Headquarters to register for campaign work. Khan
claimed to have come to California from back East to
help the campaign. From that day, Khan came into
Headquarters every day until the election. The
Sunday before the election, June 2, he brought four
other foreigners (of Middle Eastern extraction) in
to work as volunteers. Severson and her husband both
said that Sirhan was one of these men. She
remembered this group in particular because while
she was registering the men, Kennedy?s election day
itinerary was taken from her desk. Her husband
thought Sirhan may have taken it. Severson reported
seeing Sirhan again early in the afternoon of June
3, standing near the coffee machine.
Larry Strick, another Kennedy
worker, confirmed this account. He said he had
spoken to Sirhan in the company of Khan. When
Sirhan?s picture was finally shown on TV, he and
Mrs. Severson called each other nearly at the same
instant to talk about the fact that this was the man
they both remembered from Headquarters. Strick
positively ID?d Sirhan from photos as the same man
he had seen on June 2nd to both the LAPD and the FBI
in the days immediately following the assassination.
Estelle Sterns, yet another
Kennedy volunteer, claimed to have seen Sirhan at
Headquarters on Election Day itself. He was with
three other men of Middle Eastern extraction and a
female who was wearing a white coat or dress and who
had dark hair that was nearly shoulder length.
Sterns said Sirhan offered to buy her a cup of
coffee (a typical Sirhan act), which Sterns
declined. Sterns said that Sirhan and another of the
men were carrying guns. The day after the
assassination, Sterns claimed to have received a
phone call from a man who sounded muffled, as though
he was speaking through a towel, telling her "Under
no circumstances give out any information to anybody
as to the number of people or their activities at
your desk on Tuesday."
The LAPD loved this. They
"discredited" the whole Sirhan-at-headquarters
sighting by focusing solely on Sterns? account. They
even used Severson to discredit this story, although
the LAPD buried Severson?s interview where she
stated she too had seen Sirhan at Headquarters. The
LAPD also claimed Strick had retracted his
identification of Sirhan.
Surprisingly, Khan himself, as
well as his "sister" (who was really his personal
secretary/consort) Maryam Koucham both claimed they
saw Sirhan at Headquarters. Khan claimed to have
seen Sirhan standing in Headquarters on June 4th at
around 5:00 p.m. in the company of a girl in a polka
dot dress. The question is, did he really see a girl
with Sirhan and was he trying to help, or was he
instead helping to muddy the waters about a girl who
may have been his own daughter? Khan also claimed to
have seen Sirhan with the woman on June 3rd, the
same day he brought his daughter Shirin Khan into
headquarters. (On this day, he also met Walter
Sheridan and Pierre Salinger at the Ambassador
Hotel.) But did he bring his daughter Shirin
into Headquarters, or his other daughter Rose, or
some other woman, or no woman at all? Did he
see a girl with Sirhan, or did Khan just say
he did to deflect suspicion away from both himself
and his daughter? How are we to know which
statements of his are to be believed?
He refused to take a polygraph or
to attend a showup to identify Sirhan more
positively. He was illegally in the country, having
overstayed his visa. He told the police he was on
the run from the Shah of Iran?s goons. But Khan had
previously had a working relationship with the Shah.
Khan wasn?t using his real name, but was going by
the alias of Goodarzian, as was his ex-wife and
daughter Shirin. He had a prior arrest recorded with
the LAPD (1/13/67), at which time he had been using
the alias of Mohammad Ali. And when the LAPD checked
the names of the volunteers whom he had registered
under a single address, the LAPD stated that
"Records show that none of these persons entered the
U.S. between the period of June 1968 through
December 1968."46
(As an aside, thirteen Iranians suspected of
participating in a political assassination in 1990
came under suspicion when it was found that they had
all listed the same personal address. The address in
that case turned out to be an intelligence-ministry
building.47)
The address Khan used belonged to
Khan?s ex-wife and Shirin?s mother, Talat Khan.
Talat had lived there with sons Mike and Todd and
daughter "Sherry". (After the assassination, "Shirin
Goodarzian" went by the name of "Sherry Khan".)
Although housing three children and herself,
according to the LAPD records Talat had no source of
employment. Her son Mike was working as a manager at
a small pizza outlet in Santa Monica. Her daughter
Shirin showed two different places of employment for
the same dates. She had only just graduated from
University High and allegedly worked for either or
both "University Ins. Co." and "Pacific Western Mtg.
Co." in Los Angeles. Despite her working status,
Sherry had no social security number.
Talat told the LAPD that she was
divorced from Khan. She initially told them she did
not know his whereabouts, but then was able to
contact him to tell him the police wanted to talk to
him. The LAPD recorded that Talat was not involved
in politics. She may have been involved with Khan
and Koucham in a bank fraud scheme in 1963, after
having divorced Khan in 1961, but the evidence in
that regard is far from clear.48
Khaibar Khan, Maryam Koucham and Talat Khan became
political targets when Khaibar Khan brought some
astounding information to the attention of Senator
McClellan?s Committee on Government Operations in
May of 1963. Khan had accused several prominent
Americans, including David Rockefeller and Allen
Dulles, of receiving payoff money from the Shah of
Iran from funds received through an American aid
program. In short, Khan was no ordinary Iranian. He
was master over a powerful intelligence network that
had worked for and against the Shah of Iran at
various points in time.
Khaibar Khan?s father had been
executed by the Shah when he was only a boy of
eight. Khan might have been killed as well, but a
British couple named Smiley, who worked for oil
interests, had taken pity on him and removed him
from the country. Khan was educated in Scotland, and
in 1944 joined British military intelligence. In
1948 his Iranian title was restored, and he ran a
fleet of taxicabs, trucks and operated a repair
shop. He also worked for the Anglo-Iranian Oil
Company and maintained ties with British and
American missions there. Fred Cook, who wrote about
Khan?s life in detail in The Nation (4/12/65
& 5/24/65), dropped this interesting piece of
information:
The Khaibar Khan?s role in the
counter-coup that toppled Mossadegh is not quite
clear, but indications are that he helped.
Was Khan working with the CIA in
that operation?
Despite the Shah?s role in his
father?s death, Khan and the Shah became friends.
The Shah even provided Khan a villa on the palace
grounds. Their friendship took a turn for the worse,
however, when Khan wanted to use some of the
plentiful American foreign aid coming into the
country for a sports arena. The Shah and his family,
however, had other plans for the land and the money,
leading to a falling out between Khan and the Shah.
One day, the Shah discovered that Khan?s large and
lavishly equipped Cadillac El Dorado was wiretapped
to the hilt, and realized that he had a major spy in
his midst. Khan was warned of the Shah?s discovery,
and fled the country. But Khan had spent years
building up a powerful spy network. As Khan later
told the Supreme Court:
...we put engineers, doctors,
gardeners and as servants and as storemen; all
educated people working in several different
places. And we put a lot of secretaries; a lot
of people who was educated in England. And we
put them as secretaries.
Through this network, Khan noticed
something interesting. Some $7 million of the sports
arena?s funds had been redirected to the Pahlavi
Foundation, the Shah?s family?s personal fund. He
directed his spies to find out where the money was
going, to whom and what for. What his agents found
was rather astonishing, and led to a most peculiar
congressional investigation. He found that just days
before the Shah was to have an audience with
President Kennedy in the U.S., six and seven figure
checks had been cut from the Pahlavi Foundation
account to a number of prominent and influential
Americans. Kennedy had no great love for the Shah or
his operations, and was not planning on granting the
largesse the Shah was seeking. Was the Shah
feathering the nest before his arrival by spreading
money around? Khan?s agents photocopied a batch of
checks from the Shah?s safe. The checks included
payments to the following:
Allen Dallas [sic]:
$1,000,000 Henry Luce: $500,000 David Rockefeller: $2,000,000 Mrs. Loy Henderson: $1,000,000 George V. Allen: $1,000,000 Seldin Chapin: $1,000,000
Henderson, Allen and Chapin had
all served at some point as Ambassador to Iran, a
role Richard Helms would later play when removed
from the CIA by Richard Nixon. (Richard Helms, by
the way, had been a childhood friend of the Shah;
they had attended the same Swiss school in their
youth.) David Rockefeller, Allen Dulles and Henry
Luce had contributed to Mossadegh?s overthrow, an
effort double-headed by the CIA and British
intelligence. The Shah?s family members also
received checks ranging from six to eight figures in
length, the highest being a $15,000,000 check paid
to Princess Farah Pahlavi. Princess Ashraf, the
Shah?s twin sister, came in second at $3,000,000.
High level British officials were also on the list.
Needless to say, when this news
was given to Congress, the earth began to rumble.
According to Cook:
The Khaibar Khan?s disclosures
[of May and June, 1963] were called to the
attention of President Lyndon B. Johnson in late
December by one of the President?s closest
advisers, Washington attorney Abe Fortas. Since
then, there have been these seemingly
significant developments: the American
Ambassador to Iran has been relieved of his
duties; the Iranian Ambassador in Washington has
been recalled?and for the past year there has
been a stoppage on all economic (i.e.
non-military) aid to Iran....49
From the look of it, it appeared
Khan?s revelations were being taken seriously.
Khan?s credibility was enhanced when a secret
Treasury report provided solely to McClellan?s
committee was photocopied from within the Iranian
embassy and given to Khan, who showed the copy to
the committee. His copy proved that 1) someone on
McClellan?s committee was providing information to
the Iranian embassy, and 2) Khan had agents so
sensitively placed within the embassy as to be able
to intercept this highly sensitive information.
Khan?s credibility became something that needed to
be destroyed at all costs. Who in Congress dared
accuse David Rockefeller, Henry Luce and Allen
Dulles of receiving payoffs from a foreign
government? Someone had to be taken down, and the
spotlight focused on Khan. An attempt was made to
physically assault Khan, but the attempt was
performed in a public arena and was quickly stopped.
A more violent attack was made upon Maryam Koucham
in an effort to scare her into revealing Khan?s
sources within the Embassy.
The publication of Cook?s article
about these events in The Nation seems to
have been the impetus for a sudden and furious
turnaround from McClellan?s committee. After two
years of pursuing evidence of what the committee had
termed "gross corruption" in the use of American aid
money to Iran, the committee suddenly launched an
all-out assault on Khan. McClellan suddenly surfaced
a letter (dated a year earlier) from the bank in
Geneva from which the records of payoffs had
surfaced. The letter from the bank managers stated
that the records Khan had submitted were false,
citing typeface difference, differing account number
systems and so forth. But were this true, why did
McClellan?s committee continue to investigate
Khan?s allegations for a full year? Clearly the
committee knew no one would buy the letter, at least
at that point. But once Cook made the issue public,
then anything had to be used, no matter how
ill-supported, to discredit Khan. It was at this
point that Khan, his ex-wife and Koucham were
accused of bank fraud.
What had started as Khan?s crusade
to regain money that was to be used for Iran turned
into an ugly, losing battle. Khan was a very
resourceful man, and knew how to play on a winning
team. It seems highly unlikely that he continued
forever his fight against the Shah, and more likely
that he gave in to the old adage of "if you can?t
beat ?em, join ?em." And a man with Khan?s sources
could not be allowed to become an enemy of American
intelligence. He had too powerful a network. One
can?t help but wonder if the CIA took an interest in
protecting the actions of their own (Dulles,
Rockefeller, the Shah et. al.) while using Khan for
their own purposes.
Khan appeared out of the blue at
RFK Headquarters, was seen with Sirhan, lied about
his background, raised suspicion by his
secretiveness, and may have fathered the girl in the
polka dot dress. But perhaps his most suspicious act
was giving a ride on election night to a man who was
arrested while running out of the pantry immediately
after the shots had been fired: Michael Wayne.
Michael Wayne
Mr. Wayne was in the kitchen
when Kennedy was shot, and was the subject of
reports by Patti Nelson, Tom Klein and Dennis
Weaver of a man running through the lobby with a
long object in his hand, which appeared to be a
rifle.? SUS supplement to Wayne?s interview
(I-1096)
Michael Wayne, whose real name was
Wien, was a twenty-one year old from England who the
LAPD wrote "professes to be of Jewish background,
but not from the mid-east."50
Wayne worked at the Pickwick Bookstore on Sunset
Boulevard. Wayne had gained entry to the pantry by
obtaining a press button, and even managed to get
into Kennedy?s suite on the 5th floor. When Kennedy
went down to the Embassy room to make his speech,
Wayne followed. He was loitering in the kitchen, was
asked to leave, and returned shortly before the
shooting took place. Cryptic references in the
extant files on Wayne seem to indicate that Wayne
made some comment indicating foreknowledge of the
assassination to a man in the electrician?s booth
shortly before the shooting. In fact, the first
question on the proposed list of questions to be
asked of Wayne under a polygraph was this:
Did you have prior knowledge
that there might be an attempt on Senator
Kennedy?s life?
Curiously, that question does not
appear on the actual list of questions asked.51
Right after the shots were fired,
Wayne, who bore a resemblance to Sirhan, although
taller and with sideburns, ran out of the East end
of the Pantry and then out through the Embassy room.
William Singer described this event to the LAPD:
I was in the lobby of the
Ambassador Hotel right next to the ballroom.
Senator Kennedy had just walked away from the
podium after his victory speech. Several moments
before the commotion started a man came running
and pushing his way out of the ballroom past
where I was standing. I would describe this man
as having Hebrew or some type mid-eastern
features, he was approx 18/22 5-10 thin face,
slim, drk swtr or jkt, drk slacks, no tie, firy
[sic] neat in appearance, nice teeth, curly arab
or hebrew type hair. He may have been wearing
glasses, I?m not sure. I can ID him. He isn?t
one of the men in the pictures you showed me
(Saidallah B. Sirhan or Sirhan Sirhan) this man
was in a big hurry and was saying, "Pardon me
Please" as he pushed his way out of the crowded
ballroom. He was carrying a rolled piece of
cardboard, maybe a placard. This placard was
approx 1? yards long and 4-6" in diameter. I
think I saw something black inside. Just as he
got pst [sic] me I heard screaming and shouting
and I knew something bad had happened. Two men
were shouting to "Stop that man." these two men
were chasing the first man. I don?t know if they
caught him.52
Gregory Ross Clayton also reported
this incident to the LAPD, adding that it was a
newsman who yelled "Stop him." Clayton then tackled
the man and held him while a hotel security guard
handcuffed and removed the man. Clayton reported
having seen this man standing with a girl and three
other men, one of which resembled Sirhan, earlier
that night at the hotel.53
Clayton identified Michael Wayne as the man he had
seen. The LAPD confirmed that Ace Security guard
Augustus Mallard had arrested and handcuffed Wayne
because of his suspicious behavior running from the
scene of the shooting.
The press man was evidently Steve
Fontanini, a photographer for the Los Angeles
Times. Thinking Wayne was a suspect, he ran
after him. Fontanini didn?t buy Wayne?s explanation
that he was running to a telephone because he was
running out of the press room (adjacent to
the pantry), a room full of phones. That fact
bothered neither the LAPD nor Robert Kaiser, who
accepted Wayne?s explanation as the truth.
Joseph Thomas Klein, Patti Nelson
and Dennis Weaver had seen Wayne run by with
something rolled up in his hand. Klein originally
described the roll as larger at one end than at the
other. Weaver remembered Patti had yelled "He?s got
a gun," although Weaver did not see a gun. Weaver
said he only saw Wayne for several seconds. A month
later, when questioned again, the LAPD recorded the
following interesting comments, begging the question
of what had given rise to them:
The man was carrying a blue
poster, rolled up in his left hand. It could
have been a cardboard tube, or rolled up
posters. Mr. Weaver states he had a clear view
of the object and states that there was no gun
sticking out of the roll.
This investigator questioned
Mr. Weaver additionally concerning the object
being carried by the man crossing the lobby.
Weaver states he is absolutely sure there was no
gun protruding from the object. He states the
object was blue, but was not wood colored at the
one end, or even resembling a gun stock.
Patti Nelson?s interview appears
to no longer exist. Joseph Klein?s, however,
contained the interesting notation:
Klein states that as he
pursued Wayne, he passed Nelson and Weaver and
said, to them; "my God, he had a gun, and we let
him get by." (Klein states this is the first
time since the incident he can recall making the
statement.)
What happened after Wayne was
arrested and handcuffed by Ace Security Guard
Mallard is unclear, and troubling. An LAPD
supplemental report to Michael Wayne?s interview
states:
This investigator received
information that the business card of Keith
Duane Gilbert was in the possession of Wayne, at
the time of his apprehension after Sen. Kennedy
was shot. Gilbert is reported to be an extremist
and militant who has been involved in a dynamite
theft, previously.
Wayne, however, denied any
knowledge of Gilbert, and did not remember ever
having his card. But in the SUS files, yet another
problem cropped up. Gilbert?s file, when checked,
contained a business card as well. The card belonged
to Michael Wayne.
Sgt. Manual Gutierrez of SUS spent
a great deal of time trying to find out whether
there was some sinister association between Wayne
and Gilbert, a radical Minuteman activist. Gutierrez
did not believe Wayne?s denials of a relationship,
and ultimately pushed to have Wayne polygraphed.
Unfortunately, the polygraph was operated by
Hernandez, whose record of truth in this case is so
poor as to make his tests worthless. Not
surprisingly, Hernandez determined Wayne was
"truthful" about not knowing Gilbert. Gutierrez, a
fitness buff, died in 1972 at the young age of
forty. Turner and Christian wrote, "It was said that
he [Gutierrez] had privately voiced doubts about the
police conclusion [that Sirhan alone had killed
Kennedy]." SUS ended up claiming that that the
Michael Wayne card in Gilbert?s file referred to a
different Michael Wayne. They never did explain the
reverse possession.
Wayne is an interesting person. He
was seen in a group that allegedly included Sirhan.
He obtained a ride from the suspicious Khaibar Khan.
A couple of people thought he had a gun as he ran
out of the pantry. And he was apprehended by a guard
from the service that employed one of the most
famous alternate suspects in this case, Thane Eugene
Cesar.
Thane Eugene Cesar
Thane Eugene Cesar was just behind
and to the right of Kennedy at the time the shots
were fired. If Cesar is telling the truth about his
position, then either he was the shooter, or the
shooter had to be between himself and Kennedy. Cesar
denies that he shot Kennedy, and denies that anyone
else in that position shot him either. Cesar?s
proximity to Kennedy is graphically demonstrated by
the presence of his clip-on tie just beyond
Kennedy?s outstretched hand as he lay on the floor.
Cesar has made many statements that he has later
contradicted, adding to the suspicion of sinister
involvement. For example, he told police he had sold
his.22 before the assassination, and that he had
lost the receipt. But the police found the receipt,
and found that he had sold the gun after the
assassination.
Cesar was also one of the first to
accurately pinpoint where Kennedy was shot. Most
people thought Kennedy was shot in the head. Cesar,
on the other hand, in an interview immediately
following the shooting, reported that Kennedy was
shot in the head, the chest and the shoulder. He
also said he was holding Kennedy?s arm when "they"
shot him. Asked if Sirhan alone did all the shooting
he said, "No, yeah. One man."54
Paul Hope of the Evening Star also obtained
early comments from Cesar. Hope recorded Cesar?s
comments as follows:
I fell back and pulled the
Senator with me. He slumped to the floor on his
back. I was off balance and fell down and when I
looked up about 10 people already had grabbed
the assailant.55
Cesar told the LAPD that he ducked
and was knocked down at the first shot, hardly the
same report he gave the press. Richard Drew
witnessed something similar to Cesar?s original
version, as he reported in a separate article in the Evening Star that same day (6/5/68):
As I looked up, Sen. Kennedy
started to fall back and then was lowered to the
floor by his aides.
In Drew?s LAPD interview, he
reduced the plural to the singular, saying "Someone"
had lowered Kennedy to the floor. Since Kennedy was
shot in the back at a range of 1-2 inches, anyone
lowering him to the floor should have been an
immediate suspect.
Equally important was Eara
Marchman?s report to the LAPD of what she witnessed
prior to the assassination. Thane Eugene Cesar had
been assigned to guard the pantry area that night.
The LAPD recorded the following information from
Marchman:
She walked out towards the
kitchen area and observed a man in a blue coat,
dark complexion, possibly about 5-3/6 wearing
lt. colored pants, standing talking to, and
possibly arguing with, a uniformed guard who was
standing by swinging kitchen doors (after
showing mugs susp Sirhan was pointed out,
although she only saw the man from the side
position).
Was Cesar arguing with Sirhan
earlier that night? Cesar claims he never saw Sirhan
in the pantry before the shooting, despite his
having been sighted there by several other
witnesses. But is Cesar to be believed?
Anyone wishing to look into the
involvement of Cesar eventually runs into Dan
Moldea. (See
DiEugenio?s article on Moldea in this issue.)
It?s almost as if Moldea has become Cesar?s handler,
deciding who will get access to his prize.
Moldea spends a great deal of his
book on the case discussing Cesar. Cesar was
standing immediately behind and to the right of
Kennedy?exactly the spot from which the gun had to
have been fired, according to the autopsy report.
While many researchers have felt (and continue to
feel) that Cesar was the top suspect for the actual
assassin of RFK, Moldea has not. Moldea, curiously,
has been a defender. In his first published article
on the case in Regardie?s, Moldea concluded
with the following statement about Cesar:
Gene Cesar may be the classic
example of a man caught at the wrong time in the
wrong place with a gun in his hand and powder
burns on his face?an innocent bystander caught
in the cross fire of history.
Whatever Moldea?s motives may have
been in 1987, when the above quotes were published,
by 1997 he was singing an even more disturbing tune:
To sum up, Gene Cesar proved
to be an innocent man who since 1969 has been
wrongly accused of being involved in the murder
of Senator Kennedy.
What would cause a man to state
such a thing, in the face of overwhelming evidence
to the contrary, some of which he dug up himself?
Moldea tells us that Cesar had
secret clearance to work on projects at Lockheed?s
Burbank facility, and at Hughes Aircraft. Note that
Robert Maheu, Roselli?s partner in assassination
plots, was overseeing a great deal of Hughes?
operations in 1968. Note too that the CIA has had a
long and admitted relationship with Hughes. A CIA
document dated 1974 but not released until 1994
relates the following:
DCD [Domestic Contacts
Division] has had close and continuing
relationships with the Hughes Tool Company and
Hughes Aircraft Company since 1948. Both
companies have been completely cooperative and
have provided a wealth of information over the
years....It should be noted...that in the case
of Hughes Aircraft, DCD has contacted over 250
individuals in the company since the start of
our association and about 100 in Hughes Tool
over the same period. The substance of the
contacts ranged from FPI collection to sensitive
operational proposals. In addition, there is
some evidence in DCD files that both companies
may have had contractual relationships with the
Agency. In the context of such a broad range in
Hughes/CIA relationships, it is difficult to
state with certainty that the surfacing of the
substance of a given action would not cause
Congressional and/or media interest.56
He also reveals that at a lunch
with Cesar, Cesar casually mentioned that he had
purchased some diamonds from a businessman who was a
Mafia associate. Despite these points, Moldea
writes:
For years, numerous conspiracy
theories have alleged that Cesar worked for the
Mafia, the CIA, Howard Hughes, or even as a
freelance bodyguard, leg breaker, and hit man.
There is no evidence to
support any of these allegations.
While one could argue that there
is no proof, there is plenty of evidence
to support such allegations. Moldea even
provided some of it, but did so in a sneaky fashion.
For example, the Burbank Lockheed facility is the
famous "Skunkworks" facility that housed the CIA?s
U-2 program. And Howard Hughes owned Hughes
Aircraft. The CIA also had a stake in Hughes
Aircraft (and the entire Hughes operation), a
non-secret at this point. Why did Moldea leave out
such salient points?
The denouement of Moldea?s
exploration of Cesar comes in the form of a
much-touted polygraph test, which Cesar passed.
Cesar had offered to take a polygraph in the past,
but LAPD consistently avoided all opportunities to
do so. Moldea claims that had Cesar failed his test,
he would have pursued him to the ends of the earth.
But since he passed, he concludes that Cesar is
credible. He could have passed some of the questions
he was asked whether he was the shooter or not.
Consider the following:
Between the ages of
twenty-eight and forty-five, other than your
kids, did you ever hurt anyone?
No.
One can?t help but wonder, from
the wording, just what Cesar did do to his
kids between those ages! But worse, Cesar was
twenty-six at the time of RFK?s
assassination, not twenty-eight! That
question and a similar one had no relevance to June
5th at all!
Examine the semantic trick in the
next question:
Did you fire a weapon the
night Robert Kennedy was shot?
No.
Kennedy was shot at about 12:15 AM
in the morning, so "the night" he was shot
would have been the night of the 5th, long past the
point at which the shooting took place. No assassin
fired a gun that "night".
The wording of this next question
was interesting.
Were you involved in a plan to
shoot Robert Kennedy?
No.
Note how the question was limited
specifically to shooting, and not to any other
broader kind of involvement in a plan to kill Robert
Kennedy. What if Cesar was not the shooter,
but was protecting the shooter?s identity by saying
he was the only one in the shooter?s position? He
might do this if he knew it could never be proved
that he was the shooter. And if he didn?t fire any
shots into the Senator, it would be difficult,
despite circumstantial evidence, to link him in a
court of law to the crime. But by saying he was
there and that no one was between them, possibly he
could be lying to protect someone else. If that were
true, his next answer could very well be true:
Regarding57
Robert Kennedy, did you fire any of the shots
that hit him in June of ?68?
No.
The following question and answer
either supports this theory, or proves Cesar to be
inaccurate or lying about his position relative to
Kennedy:
Could you have fired at
Kennedy if you wanted to?
No.
By his own account, he had been
practically touching Kennedy, and did have a gun
with him that night. So it would seem that his
answer is inaccurate, unless someone was physically
between him and Kennedy.
There are, of course, other
possibilities to the postulations I have just
suggested. He might have truly had no involvement,
and genuinely told the truth. Another possibility is
that he faked his way through the test. No less than
former CIA Director William Colby said this was
doable if you knew the tricks of the trade. A third
possibility is that the operator, Edward Gelb,
altered the machine and/or results to achieve the
desired results. And these suggestions are not
mutually exclusive.
Whatever the results, Moldea was
not justified in basing his sole conclusion as to
the question of Cesar?s guilt or innocence upon a
test that is not even admissible in court. Moldea?s
unquestioning credence casts as many doubts about
Moldea as Cesar?s conflicting statements continue to
cast upon himself.
Lastly, there is the question of
Ace Guard Services. Ace was only formed in the
beginning of 1968 by Frank J. and Loretta M.
Hendrix. And Cesar was only hired in May of 1968,
just days before the assassination. Years after the
assassination, DeWayne Wolfer, the criminalist in
Sirhan?s case, became president of Ace under its
newer name of Ace Security Services. Is this all
just coincidence?
Lining Up the Squares
Like a Rubrick?s cube, this case
seems to involve many small, separate players. But
as you get closer to solving the puzzle, you find
there are really only a few planes, all of which
connect in a single, logical fashion. The conspiracy
is obvious; the players semi-obvious; but the motive
is considerably less obvious. The question of Cui
Bono remains all-important: Who Benefits?
Once a supporter of Red hunter Joe
McCarthy, Bobby had grown a great deal since his
brother?s death. He became the champion of the
disenfranchised. He marched for civil rights, and
lashed out at the inefficiencies in our social
system. He was not a supporter of welfare handouts
but of jobs for all. He was often accused of being
"angry", and retorted "I am impatient. I would hope
everyone would be impatient." "I think people should
be angry enough to speak out." Another favorite: "It
is not enough to allow dissent. We must demand it."
As Richard Goodwin has written, it was the very
qualities that people most appreciated that caused
the establishment to loathe and fear him. The people
loved a Senator who would stand up and tell it like
it was, without fear, without softening rhetoric.
The establishment wanted him to go away.
Bobby Kennedy had more enemies it
would seem then his brother. Where John Kennedy
played the politician, Bobby Kennedy played the
populist. A famous episode recounted by Richard
Goodwin shows how radical Bobby had become. The
State Department had threatened to cut off aid to
Peru over a dispute Peru had with the International
Petroleum Company, a Standard Oil subsidiary.
Kennedy had been outraged at the State Department,
saying, "Peru has a democratic government. We ought
to be helping them succeed, not tearing them down
just because some oil company doesn?t like their
policies." But when Kennedy was confronted with what
he considered excessive anti-Americanism from a
Peruvian audience, Kennedy turned the tables on
them. Goodwin recounts what transpired as follows:
Irritated by the attacks,
Kennedy turned on his audience. "Well, if it?s
so important to you, why don?t you just go ahead
and nationalize the damn oil company? It?s your
country. You can?t be both cursing the U.S., and
then looking to it for permission to do what you
want to do. The U.S. government isn?t going to
send destroyers or anything like that. So if you
want to assert your nationhood, why don?t you
just do it?"
The Peruvians were stunned at
the boldness of Kennedy?s suggestion. "Why,
David Rockefeller has just been down here," they
said, "and he told us there wouldn?t be any aid
if anyone acted against International
Petroleum."
"Oh, come on," said Kennedy,
"David Rockefeller isn?t the government. We
Kennedys eat Rockefellers for breakfast."
Bobby had outraged the CIA by
exercising heavy oversight after the Bay of Pigs
fiasco. Richard Helms, the friend of the Shah and a
key MKULTRA backer, held a special animosity for
Bobby Kennedy. And Bobby was the one who asked,
immediately after the assassination, if the CIA had
killed his brother. What might Bobby have uncovered
had he been allowed to reach the office of the
Presidency? Powerful factions hoped they?d never
have to find out.
Kennedy himself expected tragedy
for his efforts. "I play Russian roulette every time
I get up in the morning," he told friends. "But I
just don?t care. There?s nothing I could do about it
anyway," the fatalist explained, adding, "This isn?t
really such a happy existence, is it?"58
The assassination of both Kennedys
guaranteed the elongation of our involvement in
Vietnam, a war that personally brought Howard Hughes
and everyone involved in defense contracts loads of
money. Killing Bobby prevented any effective return
to the policies started under John Kennedy, and
prevented Bobby from opening any doors to the truth
about the murder of his brother. And killing Bobby
removed a thorn in the side of many in the CIA who
felt he had treated them unkindly and unfairly.
Who killed Bobby? One man gave me
an answer to that. I interviewed John Meier, a
former bagman for Hughes and by association the CIA.
Meier was one of the tiny handful of people in
direct contact with Howard Hughes himself. His
position gave him entr?e to circles most people will
never see.
Meier had worked for Hughes during
the assassination, and saw enough dealings before
and after the assassination to cause him to approach
J. Edgar Hoover with what he knew. For example, he
knew that Thane Eugene Cesar had an association with
Maheu. (Maheu also had an extensive working
relationship with the LAPD. This partnership
produced a porno film pretending to show Indonesian
president Sukarno in a compromising position with a
Soviet agent.59)
According to Meier, Hoover expressed his
frustration, saying words to the effect of "Yes, we
know this was a Maheu operation. People think I?m so
powerful, but when it comes to the CIA, there?s
nothing I can do."
People will choose what they will
believe. But the evidence is still present, waiting
to be followed, if any entity has the fortitude to
pursue the truth in this case to wherever it
leads. And so long as Sirhan remains in jail, the
real assassins will never be sought. ? |